David Cameron’s Eurosceptic ways aren’t sound at all, as a Tory
In the United Kingdom, Brexit is on everyone’s mind, even though ideally it should not be because Britain’s place is with the European Union. Sir Malcolm Rifkind, a Conservative foreign secretary in the past, echoed this in his opinion recently in a Brussels summit. He is for giving Britain (and like countries) some rights over protecting itself in a sea of Euro-zone nations. Britain also prefers to be detached from an exhibition of too-much-closeness, which has drawn criticism as well, and the Tories, in particular, want to prevent EU migrant workers getting welfare benefits for four years but this is going against the free movement EU treaty, which France isn’t prepared to change. An insignificant percentage of Britons would change their mind about leaving the EU if a cap isn’t put on benefits for migrants, but 9 percent is still a figure worth noting.
The sentiment that it is going to be very tough for David Cameron to renegotiate the terms of the EU treaty is getting heavily popularised: the referendum is scheduled for June 23, and it is too horrific to imagine what will happen to David Cameron if he loses the referendum. 3mn (or maybe even more) jobs survive with EU trade in the United Kingdom, because relationships have been amicable with fellow Euro countries. It is not expected that trade with the EU would discontinue entirely even if there was a Brexit, so playing up false fears is a shoddy way to speak about the full impact of Tory expectations from a second win.
In the Conservative Party, controversies surrounding Europe is not new. When Margaret Thatcher was still the Prime Minister, in 1990, her government fell spectacularly because she impossibly opposed the European Commission’s federal agenda. Her strong opposition to it led Geoffrey Howe, her foreign secretary (in the past) to resign two days after the incident, triggering the end of the Thatcher era. This promise of a Brexit campaign has been delayed for three years, and now less than half of Cameron’s 330 MPs are for Out, and it counts two somewhat familiar names: Michael Gove (a firm Eurosceptic) and Boris Johnson (a political figure who can play with opportunities). Family trouble is brewing because of the three’s disagreements over Brexit, as YouGov reports that nationally most Tory members want to go for an Out.
The Tories, historically, have always been pro-Europe – only the fringes of the party wanted a Brexit in the 1990s, in the face of stiff opposition. Similarly, when a step behind integration with the Euro failed, most Tories recommended a greater unity with Europe as a part of it’s policy-plans, even going ahead and expressing hope for a federal Europe. But David Cameron prefers to be different from his party and show his true colours as a thorough Eurosceptic, and an ally of the anti-EU UKIP. In the near past, all this colourful display of anti-EU emotions from inside the Conservative Party would have been an out-of-place ideal, and the truth is that it is still the same today because even though it might be so very hard to believe, Thatcherism is no longer worth a political catastrophe in London.